The United States changes its strategy on Venezuela

Source:  Chamosaur

January 13 2020

By Francisco Herranz

As a result of the strong support of Russia and Cuba for Nicolás Maduro, and the division of the opposition groups, the US has modified its strategy towards Venezuela. It no longer shuffles the use of force among his plans. Now it only demands a negotiating process between the two opposing parties with the aim of renewing the Presidency and Parliament.

Although it occupies only three paragraphs, the statement of the US Department of State, released on January 9, clearly indicates an important change of course, not because of what it says but because of what it omits. It doesn’t say it has all the options on the table. Nor does it require the immediate or prior departure of Maduro as an essential condition to address the necessary changes. That represents a very remarkable circumstance in diplomatic and political terms.

The document, signed by the US Secretary of State, Michael R. Pompeo, argues that “a rapid negotiated transition to democracy is the most effective and sustainable route to peace and prosperity in Venezuela.” Pompeo adds that “the negotiations could open the path of the crisis through a transitional government that will organize free and fair elections.”

The Pompeo project sets a road map for the two elections to be held later this year. For this, it demands a new and independent National Electoral Commission, elected by the National Assembly (Parliament), as stipulated in the Constitution, to control the electoral process.

Two other requirements cited by Washington would be the renewal of the Supreme Court of Justice, the highest body of the Venezuelan judicial system, as well as unlimited access to media, telecommunications, internet and radio and television spaces of all candidates, parties and electorate. .

Pompeo wants elections open to all parties and candidates, which would apparently include the chavistas of the Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), but that is especially complicated because the four most important opposition formations are banned and their main leaders, disabled.
This is about:

First Unit, party of the former presidential candidate and former governor of Miranda, Henrique Capriles, sentenced to 15 years of disqualification for corruption by the Comptroller General of the Republic;
Voluntad Popular, the party led by Leopoldo López, currently host-refugee at the Spanish Embassy in Caracas;

  • A New Time;
  • Democratic Action

The first three are part of the main opposition coalition, Bureau of Democratic Unity (MUD).

The tactical change is very significant because for months the Trump administration insisted that “all options were on the table” in relation to the crisis in Venezuela. That meant that it included the military option, that is, a scenario with invasion of ground troops and special operations.

Does Venezuela have two National Assemblies?

At the beginning of last December, Pompeo himself showed that the US Executive no longer considered the possibility of sending the Marines, although he did not say so clearly. Instead of the military option, the Secretary of State then mentioned the economic sanctions decreed by the US against the Venezuelan oil industry.

The idea of ​​applying new sanctions is the one that takes more force and particularly against other politicians, for example, against Luis Parra, a First Justice deputy who went to the ruling party and proclaimed himself president of the National Assembly, unsuccessfully disallowing the leader of the Legislative, Juan Guaidó.

The United States had asked Maduro since January 2019 to leave the country, and in April of that year Pompeo had said, after a stifled military uprising, that the Venezuelan leader had a plane ready to flee to Cuba.

The sharp turn taken by the White House is the result of a serious failure of political calculation. The US special envoy for Venezuela, Elliott Abrams, acknowledged to the press that his country underestimated the support of Russia and Cuba for Maduro, which was ultimately a blunder. Moscow and Havana “are the two pillars of support for the regime and, without them, [Maduro] would not be in power,” said the veteran US diplomatic representative, who obviously feels “frustrated” by the current situation of the crisis that It crosses the Caribbean nation.

The United States sees what happened in 2019 and Maduro is still at the Miraflores Palace, and maybe it is looking to change his toolbox (sanctions, threats, blockades, diplomatic and political siege) for a new one that sets course towards a negotiated solution. Trump would like it to be this year to show it as an achievement for his re-election in November.

“Nor is it ruled out that he seeks to push Maduro toward the dilemma of making concessions or facing greater danger. Anyway, it seems that someone in Washington reread Kissinger, ”says an experienced Venezuelan journalist.

However, the negotiations that the State Department is talking about now sound like mere illusions, because the process of open dialogue through Norwegian mediators has been suspended for weeks. A couple of days ago, Guaido himself informed national and international public opinion that a commission from the Kingdom of Norway was arriving in Caracas, but added that they were not “going to participate in any meeting”, especially after the incidents occurred on January 5, when a group of soldiers and police prevented him from entering the National Assembly building to be re-elected one more year in office.

Who are the opponents of Guaidó and Maduro who are now key in Venezuela
After his vain attempt, Guaidó organized an unpublished session in the newspaper El Nacional, where he was ratified by 100 opposition deputies of the 167 that the Chamber has.

Another reason for the change of opinion of Pompeo would be the great political and personal differences between the Venezuelan opposition. They did not learn from the mistakes of yesteryear and their unity cracks. Guaidó, who has not achieved much in this last year as “president in charge” of Venezuela, is increasingly facing the radical sectors of the opposition that favor the use of military force to drive Maduro out of power.

The most famous clash against Guaidó has been starred by María Corina Machado. The media coordinator of the Vente Venezuela movement has already denounced that the leadership of the National Assembly is “infiltrated” and that it leads the country to “false dialogues” and “criminal cohabitations”. The uncompromising but popular María Corina Machado has declared, by active and passive, that Maduro “only yields to the force” and proposes an international joint action, while Guaidó considers, until now, that this path is meaningless, very dangerous and risky.

Exclusive Interview: Ex-President Manuel Zelaya – The Crisis in Honduras

Source:  Dear Kitty Some blog & The Real News
January 2 2020

Zelaya interviewed jan 2 2020

Former Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, who was ousted in a coup d’état in 2009, talks to Laura Carlsen about the origins and consequences of the crisis in His country

 

Story Transcript

LAURA CARLSEN: To talk about the current crisis in Honduras we’re here in the offices of the LIBRE party with the former president and leader of the LIBRE Party Manuel Zelaya. 

Thank you very much for talking to us, Mr. President.

There is very little coverage on the international level of what is happening now with these demonstrations –and they’ve been going on for months. 

What is your evaluation of this stage of opposition here in Honduras and what possibilities do you see for making a real change?

MANUEL ZELAYA: Well, we have to look at where we’re coming from, what we’ve gone through and what the demands and the expectations are in the short, medium and long term. I think that there’s a rupture in the democratic order from ten years ago– the constitution of the republic was broken. Instead of restoring the social pact, instead of seeking common ground between the opposing sectors, they imposed on us a single idea, a single tyrannical, dictatorial way of violently running the country.

Read more here

The Latin American and Caribbean Left in 2019

Source:  Popular Resistance

December 28 2019

By Angel Guerra Cabrera, La Jornada, translation Resumen Latinoamericano, North America bureau
RESIST!
Image result for bolsonaro and macri

Macri and Bolsonaro

A gang of bandits arrived in Brazil’s Government thanks to that coup. The same as the Macri Administration in Argentina, they immediately started to govern for the one percent and the defense of the national sovereignty and social welfare set up by the Workers’ Party was taken to pieces.  Uncontrolled financial speculation was unleashed, as well as selling natural resources and public goods to transnational companies. Though these were the most devastating defeats for the left in this analyzed period, they were not the only ones. In 2009, the Manuel Zelaya Administration was ousted by a military coup openly orchestrated by the United States, for having joined the Petrocaribe oil alliance, the ALBA treaty, and fostering a decent and sovereign foreign policy for Honduras. Four years later, Paraguay’s Fernando Lugo was overthrown by a parliamentary-media coup. He was a prominent progressive supporter.It was confirmed in 2019 that the end of the progressive cycle in Latin America and the Caribbean was nothing but a fallacy. The overwhelming victories of Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador in Mexico and Alberto Fernandez in Argentina would be enough to refute it. Nevertheless, the alleged end of this cycle was based on real and very sad but at the same time exemplary facts for popular, progressive, and revolutionary forces. After all, popular governments in this region following Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez in 1999 seemed to be not only moving backward but at a standstill as two very serious defeats were suffered by Our America’s popular movement by 2016: The victory of a neoliberal and pro-imperialist coalition headed by Mauricio Macri in Argentina; and a media-judicial-parliamentary coup d’état staged against Dilma Rousseff in Brazil on August 2016.

Moreover, Lenin Moreno’s treason to his comrades of the Citizen Revolution, the Ecuadorian people, and to his own rhetoric since he joined Rafael Correa’s first term in office until he was elected President himself, moving his country back to neoliberalism and unprecedentedly surrendering to Washington. Similarly, Brazilian ex-president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva was unfairly and evilly sentenced to prison on April 2019, an evident maneuver of the U.S. Empire and local oligarchies to prevent his certain victory on the October presidential elections taking place that same year. As a result of it, Jair Bolsonaro came to be a reinforcement of extreme right-wing positions not only in the region but around the world; as well as to the deepening of neoliberal policies and even more servile behavior towards imperialism, brought to their own countries by Chile’s Sebastian Piñera and Colombia’s Ivan Duque.

Regional organizations such as the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR)—today dissolved—and the intergovernmental mechanism for dialogue and political agreement CELAC—at a standstill—also suffered hard blows as a consequence of these events. Coming to existence after 2004, they had been able to help make important steps towards unity, integration, and achieving of sovereign policies in Latin America and the Caribbean. Meanwhile, Petrocaribe and ALBA were impacted by the decline in oil prices and, above all, by the increasing economic war staged by the United States against Venezuela and Cuba.

But three highly significant events can be described as the most outstanding issues during this year and they represent undeniable victories for the revolutionary and progressive forces, besides the two mentioned above victories in Mexico and Argentina. First, large people’s protests across the continent since the first quarter of the year, cornering governments in several countries of the region, particularly Chile’s Piñera and Colombia’s Alvaro Uribe-Ivan Duque. The stability and public order existing in Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Mexico are opposite to the lack of unpopular right-wing governments, all of them hanging by a thread and basically sustained with the United States’ support. The fact is that neoliberalism cannot govern south of the Rio Grande without brutally violating the rules of liberal democracy. A second issue is Cuba’s and Venezuela’s brave resistance and struggle for their own development, each of them with their own set of circumstances against Washington’s relentless and increasing economic war, marked in Venezuelan by an ongoing coup and serious violent counter-revolutionary events. Third, the relevant role played by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) defending the principles of the rule of law, evidenced on December 19 when the United States and Luis Almagro were defeated in the Organization of American States (OAS), as well as other events along this year. Bolivia’s coup d’état, the defeat of Uruguay’s Broad Front, and some other issues are pending for our next article.

Bolivia: The Resources of the Dictatorship

Source:  Internationalist 360
December 22 2019

by Atilio A. Boron

The very serious situation in Bolivia has multiple facets, each one more aberrant. They all have a common denominator: the systematic violation of human rights, public freedoms and individual rights and guarantees. These are the foreseeable results of any dictatorial regime, and without doubt the government that has taken over Bolivia today is a dictatorship, imposed by an old-style military coup while discarding the subtler tools of the “soft coup”.

Here the spotlight was not on corrupt judges and legislators but on the police and military who have been trained and equipped by the United States for decades. They were the executioners of the coup d’etat that destroyed not only a government but also the hard-won democracy in Bolivia.

US involvement

It is obvious that this operation had been in gestation for a long time, since the frustrated coup attempt and secession in 2008. This project was never shelved and was updated in the last year on the eve of the presidential election, with the invaluable collaboration of the media – overwhelmingly in the hands of the opposition – who acted as the spearhead of the coup, creating the “climate of opinion” that would justify the assault on the Palacio Quemado by the fascist hordes. But unlike 2008, this time nothing was left to chance: the United States played hardball and in early September sent Ivanka Trump to the northern Argentine province of Jujuy in a plane loaded with weapons, supplies to foment unrest, and money – a lot of money – to hire thugs under the command of Luis F. “Macho” Camacho, that ravaged the main cities and created the social chaos required to justify the coup and the invasion of the Palacio Quemado with a Bible, to exorcise Pachamama and to desecrate the Wiphala. The White House “donation” was sent to Santa Cruz de la Sierra, the center of operations for white supremacists, racists to the core, and U.S. agents operating in Bolivia.

Bolivia is home to the most important lithium deposits in the world

However, Bolivia goes beyond revenge of the white minority and the colonized mestizos against the indigenous people. It cannot be ignored that this country is a highly coveted prey for the empire for several reasons, but very mainly because it is home to the most important lithium deposits in the world. And this resource has acquired exceptional importance due to its growing use by new military technologies, something that is fully recognized in reports from various U.S. government agencies. Bear in mind that if the price of lithium in 2012 was US$4,220 per ton (having reached US$16,500 in 2018) the HSBC bank estimates that by the end of this decade it will be around US$10 or US$12,000.

All of the United States’ interventions in the Middle East were aimed at pillaging the immense oil reserves of the countries in the region. Their involvement in the coup in Bolivia has a single purpose: lithium. A resource that is now strategic for the US military industrial sector requires the abandonment of all legal and ethical scruples, as was the case in Iraq, Libya and Syria. Consequently, massacring a defenseless people, burning the homes of Evo’s supporters, extorting them by kidnapping their relatives, abducting  and disappearing opponents, pursuing them like ferocious animals, and liquidating every source of independent information is part of the repertoire of policies that the empire and its lackeys: Áñez, Murillo, Camacho, Mesa apply and will continue to implement in the foreseeable future unless a huge popular insurrection puts an end to this nefarious regime.

Among these policies is the persistent persecution of senior officials of the government of Evo who have taken refuge in the Mexican embassy in La Paz and are denied safe conduct to leave the country without detriment to their physical integrity. They are Government Minister Juan Ramón Quintana; the intellectual and former minister Hugo Moldiz; the Minister of Culture Wilma Alanoca; the governor of Oruro Victor Hugo Vázquez; the director of e-government Nicolás Laguna; the Minister of Defense Javier Zavaleta; the Minister of Justice Héctor Arce, the Minister of Mining Félix César Navarro, and the Deputy Minister of Rural and Agricultural Development Pedro Damián Dorado.

This brutal dictatorship established by the White House and its baleful cronies are acting like mafias: capturing hostages so that they can commit their evil deeds unhindered. It is crucial that international pressure forces the satraps installed in La Paz to cease this practice. Human rights organizations from all over the world, private as well as public, including the United Nations agencies, must exert pressure on the coup leaders to end political persecution and grant safe conduct to those who require it. Furthermore, they should make it known to Áñez and her gang that their crimes will not go unpunished, and that sooner or later they will have to account for them before a court. And their punishment, we are confident, will be exemplary.

Bolivia’s MAS Leader: “Our Advantage is Not to be Afraid of Death in Defense of the Country”

Source:  Orinoco Tribune
December 19 2019

Bolivia's MAS Leader: "Our Advantage is Not to be Afraid of Death in Defense of the Country"Bolivia’s MAS Leader: “Our Advantage is Not to be Afraid of Death in Defense of the Country”

Rodolfo Machaca is from the Political Directorate of the Movement to Socialism (MAS). During his time in Argentina to meet with Evo Morales, he gave this exclusive interview, assuring that in the face of next year’s elections, even without a definite candidate, they have “almost 40% of the votes”.

The arrival of Evo Morales to Argentina was accompanied by a massive arrival of leaders of his party, the Movement to Socialism (MAS), to meet with him and outline the policy to face the coup in Bolivia.

Among those who traveled to Buenos Aires for these days was Rodolfo Machaca from the Political Directorate of the MAS, former Deputy Minister of Interculturality and leader of the Single Trade Union Confederation of Peasant Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB). In dialogue with NOTAS, he denounced the dictatorship of Jeanine Añez which continues to violate human rights, persecuting the population and delivering the country’s natural resources to multinationals.

However, he was optimistic about next year’s elections. He said that the MAS, even without defining a candidate, already has close to 40% of the voting preference. “We are being persecuted but there is no longer fear that they will catch us, stop us, torture us. Because we carry the blood of Tupac Katari,” he said.

– Although at first from Argentina there was important coverage of the events that occurred after the coup d’etat of November 10, has there been a decrease in the information flow about how the situation of Human Rights continues within the framework of Jeanine Añez’s dictatorship?

  • First, in the case of the media, I think this has been planned very well, with a lot of strategy, so that television channels and traditional radios do not broadcast anything. They’ve turned their backs on the poor.

Military and police killings, were covered by them but never reported. They were complicit in this massacre of the indigenous brothers. They were complicit in the coup d’etat that the Americans gave us through the neoliberal and civic parties.

Except for some radio stations that are from the original towns that have been persecuted.

– Are those radios still working?

  • Some have been silenced, others are working again but are still harassed and persecuted.

– And with respect to Human Rights in general?

  • Regarding Human Rights, the coup and its ministers do not care. They are not interested if one dies, if one is injured, if his family is crying. In cold blood they want to exterminate us, the indigenous peoples, that is proven.

Thousands have been injured and those injured have not been treated promptly. And the dead continue to add up. Nobody says anything about it, families prefer to bury their loved ones, cry and grieve.

But we are sure that tomorrow, the day after, these family members are going to protest and bear witness to how they have been attacked, persecuted and how their right to life has been silenced.

This is how human rights are in Bolivia. Some human rights representatives are complicit in the dictatorship. So we, the peoples, have nothing except the Ombudsman’s Office.

RELATED CONTENT: Evo Morales: “Unfair, Illegal and Unconstitutional. It Doesn’t Scare me” on the Arrest Warrant Issued by Bolivia’s Dictatorship (Lawfare)

– In addition to repression and persecution, the dictatorship has attempted to advance against the conquests achieved during the process of change. What have been the main actions taken by the de facto government in this regard?

  • They have taken the attitude of trampling the rules of the State, the laws. They have violated all administration procedures. By decree they have passed the administration of some strategic companies into private hands. That has its penalty, its sanction. They have dared to do that.

For example, the Bolivian Aviation Administration (BoA) was handed over to the Amazon company that is a private company, belonging to them. One of Amazon’s partners is the former president who escaped to the US, Gonzalo Sánchez de Losada (years ago).
Another case: when new consuls and ambassadors were appointed. These procedures should be carried out through Parliament, but they did so directly. So we can continue enumerating. The same happened with the procedures in the Ministries.

Rodolfo-Machaca.jpgNow, the bidding and industrialization of Bolivia’s lithium that had been planned very carefully by President Evo Morales, is now in line to be cancelled. By decree they want to deliver that wealth of ours to multinational corporations.

The monetary reserves we had, the resources we had, have been used by them: their salaries, their bonuses.

All this will have fatal consequences for their group of political parties as well as for the State. They are delivering up strategic resources. It’s a disaster.

– Are social programs such as the Juancito Pinto subsidy or Renta Dignidad still valid?

  • They are at risk. If they [the coup] stay longer, they will surely be dismantled.

– In a first stage after the coup, there was a certain disarticulation between the popular movements and the MAS as a party that was later reversed in the Extraordinary Cochabamba Assembly where unity was agreed upon for the elections. How was that process?

  • Their plan is to make the MAS acronym disappear (referring to the sign/logo). Neoliberals know that MAS without a candidate has almost 40% of the vote. Without campaigning. That is strong. That is why they now attack the acronym of the party to eliminate us. But that is not going to happen.

And another measure is to prosecute political leaders. They are looking to decapitate us.

President Evo is already out of the country; the second man of the party, Gerardo García, has been arrested, is a political prisoner; and now we are in the hands of the third head, Juanita Ancieta de las Bartolinas; and then myself, the fourth man of the party.

Right now it is up to us, but they are seeing how to prosecute us, how to initiate a trial.

But something more interesting is this: we have lost our fear. There is no longer afraid of death. They have killed our brothers, they are already more than 45 dead in the whole country. But there is no fear.

With courage, we will carry out the elections. We will defend our political party with blood.

Their disadvantage is that they are afraid of dying. And our advantage is not to be afraid of death to defend the country, for defending our indigenous, native, peasant brothers. For defending our president Evo. With blood we will defend them.

RELATED CONTENT: Reuters Shields OAS Over False Claims That Sparked Bolivia Coup

On the other hand, the stronghold of MAS, of the political party, is the Pact of Unity: the peasants, the bartolins, the natives. They [the coup] are taking on the task of dividing and parallelizing other confederations to weaken us. But the shot is coming out of the butt. They can decapitate us but the masses, the bases, they will not be able to.

The reaction has been formidable. “Keep going,” they told us. Then with that force we are re-shaping ourselves. The meeting in Cochabamba was a surprise for them.

  • This historic attitude of the Bolivian people is notable, since before Evo Morales was president, to go out and give their life for a cause. What you said about not being afraid to die to defend the project, where does that tradition and that culture of struggle come from?
  • Historically we have been trampled and humiliated. Historically we have been mistreated by these neoliberal governments. That has made us understand that if we are subjected, we will cause suffering for our future generations. And we don’t want that to happen anymore.

They slaughtered us in 2003 for being peasants, for being indigenous, for being humble, of lower class and native people. Now they want to repeat that, to continue to dominate us now as then and then laugh at us, sell our wealth, and party. What they want is to give our natural resources to multinationals behind our backs.

That will generate the suffering of the generations that follow us, they will judge us.

Rodolfo-Machaca-2.jpgThat is why we prefer to defend it with our lives, with blood. We will not let it pass. They worked us with fright, but we lost our fear. We are being persecuted but there is no longer fear that they will catch us, stop us, torture us. Because we carry the blood of Tupac Katari. We are Aymara. We are Quechua.

Only then, without raising a stick, we will face them. We come from those revolutionary roots.

– President Evo Morales arrived in Argentina a few days ago, how important is his presence here both to face the electoral campaign and to the resistance to the coup?

  • We are very grateful to the Argentine brothers and sisters for understanding the historical struggle we have made. They have accompanied us since before the indigenous people rose to power, in this case represented by Evo Morales.

They have continued to accompany us. How many times have they come to Bolivia to support us, to share our joys, and in recent times, our cries, our sorrows.

For us President Evo represents our blood, our brother. We can not abandon him. He a reference, a symbol. That is why everything they have done hurts us a lot.

But we are there and that is why we come here to greet him, to reach him and to tell him that he is not alone.

Brothers, with your support we are sure that we will succeed. Evo is struggle, he is strength, he is our image and our future. There can be many leaders by your side and many more in the future. But he is like an elder brother who has brought us to the path of struggle, we cannot release him or leave him alone. That’s why our tears but our strength too. That is why our bravery to face future struggles with blood.

Take care of him, Argentine brothers and Argentine sisters. Protect my brother, I know he will be fine and that we will return to take him from here to Bolivia.

Source URL: NOTAS Periodismo Popular

Translated by JRE/EF

 

Bolivia: De-Facto Govt Continues Political Persecution

Source:  TeleSUR
December 20 2019

Former Bolivian President Evo Morales speaks during a news conference in Buenos Aires, Argentina December 19, 2019. | Photo: Reuters

The political persecution of members of the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) party in Bolivia continues, this time three members received direct attacks on their physical integrity and the invasion of private property, including a kidnapping.

Since the coup d’état of Nov. 10, the de facto government in Bolivia has been carrying out political persecution against members of the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) party and its supporters, including its leader, the former president, now a political refugee in Argentina, Evo Morales.

RELATED: Coup Leaders in Bolivia Issue Arrest Warrant for Evo Morales

On Friday, the attack on the physical integrity and property of three members related to the MAS party was made public, among them the kidnapping of Marcial Escalante, vice president of the Movement Toward Socialism-Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (MAS-IPSP) of Yapacani, in the department of Santa Cruz.

The Eco Alternativo Network of Argentina, made up of journalists who cover what is happening in Bolivia in the context of the coup, denounced the kidnapping of Escalante, claiming that plainclothes policemen entered his home at dawn on Friday and also they beat his wife and took some material objects.

Escalante was released on Friday afternoon and further details are unknown.

Meting with Morales in Argentina

The leader had attended a meeting with other members of the MAS party with Morales in Argentina, and it is presumed that this could be the reason for his kidnapping.

In another incident, the former personal and family assistant for Morales, Luis Hernan Soliz Morales was arrested in the city of La Paz, after the Public Prosecutor’s Office found phone calls that Soliz had received after Morales resigned from the presidency on Nov. 10,  in the context of the mass protests following the coup.

Soliz’s lawyer said that his defendant’s house was raided and that no elements were found that could compromise him. He also said that the reason for the calls between the two involved were related to work pending before the resignation of Morales, he told Erbol, a local media outlet.

Meanwhile, the residence of the former Minister of the Presidency, Juan Ramon Quintana was searched by members of the police and prosecutors. He is charged with alleged crimes of sedition, terrorism and terrorist financing.

The former minister was not at home, and unofficially it is known that he would be at the Mexican embassy in Bolivia, as were other former authorities of the Morales administration.

This political persecution has its origin in the accusation of the de-facto government of Jeanine Añez last Nov. against Morales, who was accused of inciting violence from his asylum in Mexico, a country that first received him, during the demonstrations following the coup against his government.

The complaint is based on supposed evidence that includes a video in which a voice attributed to Morales is heard, but whose authenticity has only been demonstrated by a single way presented by the Añez government, and not by other independent sources.

Since then, the investigation process for the crimes of sedition and terrorism has been carried out throughout the country against militants and leaders of the MAS party.

This week the Prosecutor’s Office issued an arrest warrant against Morales, who was the first indigenous president in the history of the Andean country and is currently a refugee in Argentina.

Argentinian Govt: “We Will Not Hand Over” Evo Morales

Source:  TeleSUR
December 20 2019

Fernandez and Morales gathered to discuss the situation of the Latin American region last Sept. in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia.

Argentinian government officials told right-wing press outlet Infobae that President Alberto Fernandez ratified his support and protection to Evo Morales and that they will not deliver him to judicial authorities in Bolivia.

Argentinian President Alberto Fernandez announced Thursday that his government “will not hand over for any reason” the former president of Bolivia Evo Morales who is in Buenos Aires under refugee status and who on Wednesday received an arrest warrant by the Bolivian Prosecutor’s Office, which accuses him of sedition and terrorism.

RELATED:  Coup Leaders in Bolivia Issue Arrest Warrant for Evo Morales

A senior official at the Casa Rosada (Argentina’s Government Resident) revealed to the national news outlet Infobae that the Argentinian president contacted Morales to give him his full support and assure him that his country will protect his physical integrity and prevent him from being handed over to the judicial authorities in Bolivia that currently is under the control of a de facto government.

“We are going to protect Evo Morales because it is appropriate to do so as a political refugee and because the entire request for detention is a farce,” another government official told Infobae.

On Wednesday morning, the Bolivian Prosecutor’s Office issued a warrant for the arrest of Morales “for the alleged commission of the crimes of sedition, terrorism and the financing of terrorism.”

The order deals with the accusation of the de facto government of Jeanine Añez last Nov. against Morales, who was accused of inciting violence from his asylum in Mexico, a country that first received him, during the demonstrations following the coup against his government.

The complaint is based on supposed evidence that includes a video in which a voice attributed to Morales is heard, the authenticity of which has been challenged by critics as it has only been presented by the Añez government, and not by other independent sources.

For the Argentinian government, Morales will continue to have immunity and diplomatic protection because he is a refugee and they will not accept his arrest within Argentinian territory, so it was determined that the security of the ex-president who until a few days ago had only two police officers, would be increased, Argentinian officials told Infobae.

Also, the Fernandez government through its Foreign Ministry is analyzing the request for arrest from Bolivia in order to submit a legal response for the rejection of this order.

For his part, Morales, through his Twitter account, denounced on Wednesday that the order against him is “unjust, illegal and unconstitutional” and said he was not afraid of threats and that he will continue to fight for a free and sovereign Bolivia.

Morales resigned on Nov. 10 after protests that accused him of alleged fraud in the elections of Oct. 20 and which were led by the right-wing opposition, the civic committees and which ended in a coup d’etat after pressure from the armed forces and the intervention of the Organization of American States (OAS).